A Project of the Center for Advanced Study in the Visual Arts, National Gallery of Art
History of Early American Landscape Design

Difference between revisions of "Bowling green"

[http://www.nga.gov/content/ngaweb/research/casva/research-projects.html A Project of the National Gallery of Art, Center for Advanced Study in the Visual Arts ]
Line 1: Line 1:
 
==History==
 
==History==
  
The term bowling green is derived from its  
+
The term bowling green is derived from its frequent association with the turfed, circular space used for ball games popular in Europe and America. European garden treatises, such as A.-J. Dézallier d’Argenville’s Theory and Practice of Gardening (1712), noted that the term “bowling green” denoted several, interrelated meanings: a sunken, generally round, turfed lawn; a close-cropped playing field for bowls; and a recessed turfed area in the midst of a parterre or grove. In America before 1850, the term “bowling green” encompassed each of these three definitions, often in combination, and was applied to both public and private spaces. As a resolution by the New York Common Council in 1733 suggests, the bowling green’s ornamental and recreational functions often were inseparable. The term is complicated by the fact that lawn bowling took place on spaces other than bowling greens. For example, in 1611, Sir Thomas Dale disapproved of the bowlers’ language as they played in the streets of Jamestown, Va., and an 1826 engraving of the University of Virginia shows students bowling between the pavilions on the lawn, which was neither  
frequent association with the turfed, circular  
 
space used for ball games popular in  
 
Europe and America. European garden treatises,  
 
such as A.-J. Dézallier d’Argenville’s  
 
Theory and Practice of Gardening (1712), noted  
 
that the term “bowling green” denoted several,  
 
interrelated meanings: a sunken, generally  
 
round, turfed lawn; a close-cropped  
 
playing field for bowls; and a recessed  
 
turfed area in the midst of a parterre or  
 
grove. In America before 1850, the term  
 
“bowling green” encompassed each of these  
 
three definitions, often in combination, and  
 
was applied to both public and private  
 
spaces. As a resolution by the New York  
 
Common Council in 1733 suggests, the bowling  
 
green’s ornamental and recreational  
 
functions often were inseparable. The term  
 
is complicated by the fact that lawn bowling  
 
took place on spaces other than bowling  
 
greens. For example, in 1611, Sir Thomas  
 
Dale disapproved of the bowlers’ language  
 
as they played in the streets of Jamestown,  
 
Va., and an 1826 engraving of the University  
 
of Virginia shows students bowling between  
 
the pavilions on the lawn, which was neither  
 
 
sunken nor circular in shape [Fig. 1].1  
 
sunken nor circular in shape [Fig. 1].1  
  
The term “bowling green” in Anglo-
+
The term “bowling green” in Anglo-American culture is clearly allied to its British counterpart, but the history of bowling greens as a landscape feature in the two countries differed in large part because of the fundamentally different social structure and land-holding practices in England. For instance, in England bowling was legally restricted to private gardens by the government, which feared archery was being neglected. By the time of the Civil War in 1688 “there were few gentry gardens which did not include a bowling green.”2  
American culture is clearly allied to its  
 
British counterpart, but the history of bowling  
 
greens as a landscape feature in the two  
 
countries differed in large part because of  
 
the fundamentally different social structure  
 
and land-holding practices in England. For  
 
instance, in England bowling was legally  
 
restricted to private gardens by the government,  
 
which feared archery was being neglected.  
 
By the time of the Civil War in 1688  
 
“there were few gentry gardens which did  
 
not include a bowling green.”2  
 
  
In early America, bowling was not  
+
In early America, bowling was not restricted in the same way. While images of public bowling greens are relatively rare in the colonial period, descriptions indicate  
restricted in the same way. While images of  
+
that public bowling greens, such as those in Williamsburg, Va., Boston, and New York contributed to the beauty of the town or city and provided a venue for social gatherings and recreation [Fig. 2]. As early as the 1670s, tavern owners in New York provided bowls, ninepins, or skittles for their customers, resulting in the Common Council’s passage in 1676 of new Sabbath laws, which declared “all and Every Wine and Rum or Beare Sellas [beer sellers] who shall permitt any Person Upon the Sabbath day to Drinke or Game In their houses Gardens or Yards Shall for ye first offense forfeict five and Twenty Guildars.”3 Bowling greens toward the end of the eighteenth century were commonly operated at taverns, hotels, and public pleasure grounds as part of the growing competition for public entertainment.4 The Centre House Tavern at Centre Square in Philadelphia and Chatsworth Garden in Baltimore are two such examples. As the popularity of bowling declined in the early nineteenth century, public greens that had been used for sport often kept their names and became small enclosed parks, such as Bowling Green at the end of Broadway in New York [Fig. 3]. The flat, open space of a bowling green also made it ideal for other recreational purposes, such as a horse race held in Alexandria, Va., reported in 1790.  
public bowling greens are relatively rare in  
 
the colonial period, descriptions indicate  
 
that public bowling greens, such as those in  
 
Williamsburg, Va., Boston, and New York  
 
contributed to the beauty of the town or city  
 
and provided a venue for social gatherings  
 
and recreation [Fig. 2]. As early as the 1670s,  
 
tavern owners in New York provided bowls,  
 
ninepins, or skittles for their customers,  
 
resulting in the Common Council’s passage  
 
in 1676 of new Sabbath laws, which declared “all and Every Wine and Rum or Beare Sellas  
 
[beer sellers] who shall permitt any Person  
 
Upon the Sabbath day to Drinke or Game In  
 
their houses Gardens or Yards Shall for ye  
 
first offense forfeict five and Twenty Guildars.
 
3 Bowling greens toward the end of the  
 
eighteenth century were commonly operated  
 
at taverns, hotels, and public pleasure  
 
grounds as part of the growing competition  
 
for public entertainment.4 The Centre House  
 
Tavern at Centre Square in Philadelphia and  
 
Chatsworth Garden in Baltimore are two  
 
such examples. As the popularity of bowling  
 
declined in the early nineteenth century,  
 
public greens that had been used for sport  
 
often kept their names and became small  
 
enclosed parks, such as Bowling Green at  
 
the end of Broadway in New York [Fig. 3].  
 
  
The flat, open space of a bowling green also
+
In private settings, as well, the bowling green combined ornament and recreation. The paucity of seventeenth- and early eighteenth-century examples of bowling greens on private estates suggests that only those colonists who had substantial resources, such as William Byrd II and William Middleton, devoted the labor and space necessary to construct the turfed greens. It has been argued that genteel sports—such as lawn bowling, fencing, and riding—in developing their particular rules, modes of performance, and conventions, helped to define the colonial social structure.5 In the second half of the eighteenth century, the practice of constructing bowling greens on estates of the economic and political elite grew as more gentry had the luxury of expending their efforts on ornamental and recreational landscape features. Examples include Thomas Jefferson’s Poplar Forest in Bedford County, Va., Charles and Margaret Tilghman Carroll’s plantation, Mount Clare, in Baltimore, and George Washington’s Mount Vernon. The praise garnered by these landscape features suggests that bowling greens carried with them connotations of leisure and sophistication and that they were visible markers of their owners’ status.  
made it ideal for other recreational purposes,
 
such as a horse race held in Alexandria,  
 
Va., reported in 1790.  
 
  
In private settings, as well, the bowling  
+
According to visual and textual evidence, bowling greens varied in their physical form and placement within the ga rden. One exa mple of a bowling green de pic ted as a recessed area can be found in Charles Varlé’s design for the town of Bath, in which he included a bowling green within a parterre at “H” [Fi g. 4]. Eliza Lucas Pinckney in 1743 also described the bowling green as sunk below the level of the rest of the garden. Private bowling greens could be circular, as at Mount Vernon [Fi g. 5], or rectangular, as at the estate of John Penn in Philadelphia [Fig. 6], and they were generally near the house. Their flat, green swath of turf made an attractive foreground for a house and was related to the feature of lawns (see Lawn). In addition, the bowling green [Fig. 7] provided an excellent viewing platform from which to gaze over a prospect. In fact, by the second half of the eighteenth century, the term had entered the language of landscape description at a metaphorical level, when P. Campbell in 1793 referred to an area that was “flat as a bowling green.
green combined ornament and recreation.
 
The paucity of seventeenth- and early
 
eighteenth-century examples of bowling  
 
greens on private estates suggests that only
 
those col o n i sts who had subst a nt i al reso u r c e s ,  
 
such as Wi lliam By rd II and Wi lliam Middleto n ,  
 
de voted the labor and space necessary to construct
 
the turfed greens. It has been argued
 
t hat gente e l sports—such as lawn bowling,
 
fencing, and riding—in developing their particular
 
rules, modes of performance, and
 
conventions, helped to define the colonial
 
social structure.5 In the second half of the eighteenth century, the practice of constructing
 
bowling greens on estates of the
 
economic and political elite grew as more
 
gentry had the luxury of expending their
 
efforts on ornamental and recreational landscape  
 
features. Examples include Thomas
 
Jefferson’s Poplar Forest in Bedford County,  
 
Va., Charles and Margaret Tilghman Carroll’s
 
plantation, Mount Clare, in Baltimore, and
 
George Washington’s Mount Vernon. The
 
praise garnered by these landscape features
 
suggests that bowling greens carried with
 
them connotations of leisure and sophistication
 
and that they were visible markers of
 
their owners’ status.  
 
  
According to visual and textual evidence,
+
-- ''Elizabeth Kryder-Reid''
bowling greens varied in their physical form
 
and placement within the ga rden. One exa mple
 
of a bowling green de pic ted as a recessed
 
a r ea can be found in Charles Varlé’s design fo r
 
t he town ofBath, in which he included a bow ling
 
green within a parterre at “H” [Fi g. 4].
 
E l i za Lucas Pinckney in 1743 al so de sc r ibed
 
t he bowling green as sunk be l ow thelevel of
 
t he rest of the ga rden. Private bowling greens
 
c o uld be cir cul a r, asat Mo u nt Vernon [Fi g. 5],
 
or rectangular, as at the estate of John Penn
 
in Philadelphia [Fig. 6], and they were generally
 
near the house. Their flat, green swath
 
of turf made an attractive foreground for a house and was related to the feature of
 
lawns (see Lawn). In addition, the bowling
 
green [Fig. 7] provided an excellent viewing
 
platform from which to gaze over a prospect.
 
In fact, by the second half of the eighteenth
 
century, the term had entered the language
 
of landscape description at a metaphorical
 
level, when P. Campbell in 1793 referred to
 
an area that was “flat as a bowling green.”
 
 
 
EK-R
 
  
 
==Texts==
 
==Texts==

Revision as of 16:22, January 6, 2016

History

The term bowling green is derived from its frequent association with the turfed, circular space used for ball games popular in Europe and America. European garden treatises, such as A.-J. Dézallier d’Argenville’s Theory and Practice of Gardening (1712), noted that the term “bowling green” denoted several, interrelated meanings: a sunken, generally round, turfed lawn; a close-cropped playing field for bowls; and a recessed turfed area in the midst of a parterre or grove. In America before 1850, the term “bowling green” encompassed each of these three definitions, often in combination, and was applied to both public and private spaces. As a resolution by the New York Common Council in 1733 suggests, the bowling green’s ornamental and recreational functions often were inseparable. The term is complicated by the fact that lawn bowling took place on spaces other than bowling greens. For example, in 1611, Sir Thomas Dale disapproved of the bowlers’ language as they played in the streets of Jamestown, Va., and an 1826 engraving of the University of Virginia shows students bowling between the pavilions on the lawn, which was neither sunken nor circular in shape [Fig. 1].1

The term “bowling green” in Anglo-American culture is clearly allied to its British counterpart, but the history of bowling greens as a landscape feature in the two countries differed in large part because of the fundamentally different social structure and land-holding practices in England. For instance, in England bowling was legally restricted to private gardens by the government, which feared archery was being neglected. By the time of the Civil War in 1688 “there were few gentry gardens which did not include a bowling green.”2

In early America, bowling was not restricted in the same way. While images of public bowling greens are relatively rare in the colonial period, descriptions indicate that public bowling greens, such as those in Williamsburg, Va., Boston, and New York contributed to the beauty of the town or city and provided a venue for social gatherings and recreation [Fig. 2]. As early as the 1670s, tavern owners in New York provided bowls, ninepins, or skittles for their customers, resulting in the Common Council’s passage in 1676 of new Sabbath laws, which declared “all and Every Wine and Rum or Beare Sellas [beer sellers] who shall permitt any Person Upon the Sabbath day to Drinke or Game In their houses Gardens or Yards Shall for ye first offense forfeict five and Twenty Guildars.”3 Bowling greens toward the end of the eighteenth century were commonly operated at taverns, hotels, and public pleasure grounds as part of the growing competition for public entertainment.4 The Centre House Tavern at Centre Square in Philadelphia and Chatsworth Garden in Baltimore are two such examples. As the popularity of bowling declined in the early nineteenth century, public greens that had been used for sport often kept their names and became small enclosed parks, such as Bowling Green at the end of Broadway in New York [Fig. 3]. The flat, open space of a bowling green also made it ideal for other recreational purposes, such as a horse race held in Alexandria, Va., reported in 1790.

In private settings, as well, the bowling green combined ornament and recreation. The paucity of seventeenth- and early eighteenth-century examples of bowling greens on private estates suggests that only those colonists who had substantial resources, such as William Byrd II and William Middleton, devoted the labor and space necessary to construct the turfed greens. It has been argued that genteel sports—such as lawn bowling, fencing, and riding—in developing their particular rules, modes of performance, and conventions, helped to define the colonial social structure.5 In the second half of the eighteenth century, the practice of constructing bowling greens on estates of the economic and political elite grew as more gentry had the luxury of expending their efforts on ornamental and recreational landscape features. Examples include Thomas Jefferson’s Poplar Forest in Bedford County, Va., Charles and Margaret Tilghman Carroll’s plantation, Mount Clare, in Baltimore, and George Washington’s Mount Vernon. The praise garnered by these landscape features suggests that bowling greens carried with them connotations of leisure and sophistication and that they were visible markers of their owners’ status.

According to visual and textual evidence, bowling greens varied in their physical form and placement within the ga rden. One exa mple of a bowling green de pic ted as a recessed area can be found in Charles Varlé’s design for the town of Bath, in which he included a bowling green within a parterre at “H” [Fi g. 4]. Eliza Lucas Pinckney in 1743 also described the bowling green as sunk below the level of the rest of the garden. Private bowling greens could be circular, as at Mount Vernon [Fi g. 5], or rectangular, as at the estate of John Penn in Philadelphia [Fig. 6], and they were generally near the house. Their flat, green swath of turf made an attractive foreground for a house and was related to the feature of lawns (see Lawn). In addition, the bowling green [Fig. 7] provided an excellent viewing platform from which to gaze over a prospect. In fact, by the second half of the eighteenth century, the term had entered the language of landscape description at a metaphorical level, when P. Campbell in 1793 referred to an area that was “flat as a bowling green.”

-- Elizabeth Kryder-Reid

Texts

Usage

Citations

Images

Notes

Retrieved from "https://heald.nga.gov/mediawiki/index.php?title=Bowling_green&oldid=16537"

History of Early American Landscape Design contributors, "Bowling green," History of Early American Landscape Design, , https://heald.nga.gov/mediawiki/index.php?title=Bowling_green&oldid=16537 (accessed November 28, 2024).

A Project of the Center for Advanced Study in the Visual Arts

National Gallery of Art, Washington